Suchergebnisse

Machine generated contents note: Introduction; 1. An uncertain balance, 1890-1914; 2. World War I: European crisis and American opportunity; 3. Ambivalent engagement; 4. The Great Depression and transatlantic new deals; 5. Strange affinities, new enemies; 6. From World War to Cold War; 7. Cooperation, competition, containment; 8. Culture wars; 9. The American century erodes, 1968-1979; 10. Renewed conflict and surprising collapse; 11. A widening Atlantic; 12. Imperial America, estranged Europe

"This is a fascinating new overview of European-American relations during the long twentieth century. Ranging from economics, culture and consumption to war, politics and diplomacy, Mary Nolan charts the rise of American influence in Eastern and Western Europe, its mid-twentieth century triumph and its gradual erosion since the 1970s. She reconstructs the circuits of exchange along which ideas, commodities, economic models, cultural products and people moved across the Atlantic, capturing the differing versions of modernity that emerged on both sides of the Atlantic and examining how these alternately produced co-operation, conflict and ambivalence toward the other. Attributing the rise and demise of American influence in Europe not only to economics but equally to wars, the book locates the roots of many transatlantic disagreements in very different experiences and memories of war. This is an unprecedented account of the American Century in Europe that recovers its full richness and complexity"--

Intro -- Contents -- Abbreviations -- 1. Introduction -- Part I: Imagining America -- 2. Journeys to America -- Travelers and Commentators -- Motives -- Itineraries -- 3. The Infatuation with Fordism -- The Man and the Book -- Fordism as Productivism -- Taylorism and Fordism -- Fordism as Consumption -- Fordism as Ideology -- 4. American Economic Success and German Emulation -- The Secrets of American Economic Success -- Americanizing Germany/Germanizing Americanism -- 5. Work, Workers, and the Workplace in America -- Quality Work and the Quality Worker -- Intensity and Monotony -- Joy in Work -- The Shop Floor and the Firm -- 6. The Cultural Consequences of Americanism -- Mass Consumption -- The American Woman -- Part II: Modernizing Germany -- 7. The Paradoxes of Productivism -- The National Productivity Board -- Ruhr Coal Mining -- Iron and Steel -- Machine Making -- 8. Winners and Losers -- Prices -- Costs -- Wages -- Profits -- Work and Unemployment -- Reactions and Responses -- 9. Engineering the New Worker -- Company Social Policy and Social Rationalization -- Origins and Ideology of Dinta -- Constructing the New Worker -- Company Newspapers and Social Programs -- Trade Union Responses -- The Battle for the Soul of the Worker -- 10. Housework Made Easy -- The RKW and Housework -- The New Woman in the New Home -- The Ambiguities of Household Rationalization -- Epilogue -- Notes -- Bibliographic Essay -- Index -- A -- B -- C -- D -- E -- F -- G -- H -- I -- J -- K -- L -- M -- N -- O -- P -- R -- S -- T -- U -- V -- W -- Z.

Social Democracy and Society examines the origins of working-class radicalism in Imperial Germany. The Düsseldorf Social Democratic Party was associated with the left wing of the SPD. It defended theoretical orthodoxy against the onslaughts of revisionism, rejected all cooperation with bourgeois groups, and advocated militant tactics. Professor Nolan argues that the roots of this radicalism extended deep into the Imperial period and sprang from a confrontation between Düsseldorf's working class, which was variously young, highly skilled, migrant, and new to industry, and a political and cultural environment that offered no reformist options. She examines the distinct roles played by peasant workers new to industry, skilled migrant workers, and the indigenous population of Catholic workers. This is the first study to investigate in detail the history of the socialist labor movement in an urban area that was heavily Catholic and to analyze the significance of Catholicism for the political culture of the working class

AbstractThis review article surveys recent studies of the state of and challenges to academic labor in the ongoing regime of academic capitalism, corporate managerialism, and neoliberalism in colleges and universities in the United States, Europe, and select other countries around the world. Some works analyze changing funding models, accountability mechanisms, and forms of administrative power, while others explore the discourses pervading higher education and impacting the self-understanding of academics. Higher education administrators, boards of trustees, and politicians have sought to create flexible and inexpensive academic labor. New studies explore the three main strategies pursued: the failed effort to promote Massive Open Online Courses (MOOCs), the proliferation of for-profit colleges and universities (FPCUs), and the continuing expansion of contingent labor, full and part time. Other works analyze the innovative unionization efforts on the part of contingent faculty and graduate teaching assistants.

This article explores how I teach about human rights and so-called humanitarian interventions to MA and Ph.D. students. The course has three main themes or foci. First, what are human rights and why have the social and economic human rights laid out in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights been so neglected or rejected, especially by the U.S. Second, how has American foreign policy used and abused human rights. Third, why have liberal or humanitarian interventions of a militarized sort become so prevalent since the end of the Cold War and why are they so damaging. The goal is to get students to look critically at the meaning and uses of human rights, about which many display a naive enthusiasm.

This article explores how I teach about human rights and so-called humanitarian interventions to MA and Ph.D. students. The course has three main themes or foci. First, what are human rights and why have the social and economic human rights laid out in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights been so neglected or rejected, especially by the U.S. Second, how has American foreign policy used and abused human rights. Third, why have liberal or humanitarian interventions of a militarized sort become so prevalent since the end of the Cold War and why are they so damaging. The goal is to get students to look critically at the meaning and uses of human rights, about which many display a naive enthusiasm.

Utopian visions that produced distinctly dystopic projects are rightly associated with the catastrophically violent and repressive first half of twentieth-century European history— "the age of extremes" in Eric Hobsbawm's apt phrase. National Socialism, fascism, communism, and European colonialism represented totalizing, highly ideological visions of how politics and economics, society and culture should be dramatically reorganized. Each of these projects deployed gendered rhetorics and representations; each was explicitly preoccupied with redefining masculinity and femininity, marriage and family, domesticity and sexuality. Each sought to subordinate individuals to an overarching social project, integrating some, excluding others, always elaborating complex hierarchies of gender, race, and culture.

Contemporary German anti-Americanism is not a continuation of earlier anticapitalist, antimodern, and often anti-Semitic anti-Americanism. Rather, since the late 1960s a political anti-Americanism, which accepts capitalism and the extensive Americanization of German society, has emerged. It is a response to specific American foreign policies, but its roots lie in the uneven Americanization of twentieth-century Germany. Anti-Americanism has been fostered by Germany's nonliberal variety of capitalism, by its more egalitarian social policies, by its greater secularism, by its more influential environmental movements, and by memories of World War II. Political anti-Americanism is likely to last beyond the current Iraq War crisis.